Ruling Party Scrambles to Lock Down Grassroots Power Before Local Elections

With the first phase of union parishad polls expected to begin in late January, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party is treating the coming local government elections as far more than a routine contest for village-level posts. Eight months after returning to power, the party is racing to convert its national victory into durable control of the institutions that manage everyday development funds, dispute resolution, and community influence.

Prime Minister and party chairman Tarique Rahman has repeatedly told senior leaders that only one carefully chosen candidate should be backed in each area. The instruction is driven by a practical fear: because the local elections will not be held under party symbols, nothing prevents two or more BNP-linked figures from contesting the same chairman or member seat. When that happens, the party's vote is split and rivals gain an opening. District and upazila leaders have therefore been ordered to settle internal rivalries early through negotiation rather than allow open contests that could embarrass the central leadership.

At the same time, some lawmakers and ministers have adopted a sharper tone. In public meetings they have warned that unions which reject the party's preferred candidate may find development projects slowed or denied. One senior parliamentarian told a gathering that if the nominated candidate loses, "no work will be done in that union." These remarks have circulated widely and drawn criticism from opposition figures who argue that linking future government spending to electoral outcomes amounts to pressure on voters before the Election Commission has even published the full schedule.

The criticism gained force after the Local Government Division released a special allocation of more than Tk 51 crore to roughly 3,159 union parishads. The money was directed mainly toward constituencies held by ruling-party MPs, with local lawmakers given a significant role in selecting the projects. Opposition leaders, including those from Jamaat-e-Islami, have described the timing and the method of distribution as an attempt to tilt the field. They note that unions in areas won by opposition or independent candidates in the last parliamentary election were largely left out of the special list.Inside the BNP itself, the push for unity is colliding with local ambition.

Political adviser Zahir Uddin Swapan has cautioned party workers that outside groups—described by him as "fugitive fascist elements and covert forces"—may try to exploit nomination disputes to deepen divisions. He has urged leaders not to let personal competition weaken the organisation or interrupt ongoing development work. His warning reflects a broader concern within the party: many district and city committees are long expired, and several powerful local factions already compete for influence over business and political turf. Clashes between rival BNP groups over prospective candidacies have been reported in districts including Barishal, Kushtia, and parts of the Dhaka region, with injuries and, in some cases, fatalities linked to the early jockeying.

Party strategists see the local elections as a chance to rebuild organisational muscle that atrophied during years in opposition. Control of union parishads gives direct access to development budgets, influence over local contractors, and a network of elected representatives who can mobilise voters in future national contests. For that reason the central leadership is insisting on disciplined candidate selection and is prepared to expel those who defy party decisions. Yet the same leaders know that heavy-handed threats and preferential allocations risk handing the opposition a ready narrative of unfairness.

Jamaat-e-Islami and other parties have already begun framing the early moves as evidence that the government intends to dominate rather than compete. They are preparing their own candidate lists and warning that any attempt to use state resources for partisan advantage will be challenged once the formal election code of conduct comes into force. Meanwhile, the Election Commission has indicated that action on code-of-conduct violations can only begin after the schedule is announced, leaving a window in which political rhetoric and resource allocation remain largely unrestricted.

For the BNP the stakes are high. A clean sweep of the local polls would solidify its position for years to come and demonstrate that its return to power rests on more than a single national election. Persistent internal splits, however, could produce the opposite result: weakened local organisations, alienated activists, and an opposition that gains credibility by portraying itself as the victim of ruling-party pressure. How the party balances the demand for unity with the reality of local rivalries, and how far it is willing to go in linking development to electoral loyalty, will shape both the immediate outcome of the polls and the longer-term character of its rule.